Another often overlooked minority are the Druze. This may be due to the fact that they have remained neutral through the course of teh syrain civil war. Syria’s Druze between the hammer of the regime and anvil of extremism shows how the Druze are beginning to feel the tensions from both sides. The Druze Dilemma on the other hand explores how the Druze may be leaving their neutral position to one of more action. They have now demanded weapons from Assad or threaten to seek help and supplies elsewhere. Though the weapons are simply for defense against extremists, could this be the beginning of a new Druze position in the war? With this, would their change in position be compromising their ideology and culture?

As mentioned in previous blogs, the Syrian civil war as turned from one of governmental revolution, to one of secularism. One group under particular heat are Syrian Christians. What is worse is that they are torn between sides, not knowing whether to protect their lives, religion, or both. The Plight of Syria’s Vulnerable Christian Minority illuminates the atrocities committed against Syrian Christians throughout the civil war. The Choices for Syria’s Christians then explores possible scenarios for Syrian Christians as the war continues, and with what outcome. Christians have experienced, kidnapping, beheading, crucifixion, and have been used as tools for groups against one another. This is not only committed by Islamist extremists wanting to “cleanse” Syria, but also by groups such as the FSA, simply because many Christians side with Assad – mostly out of fear of extremist groups. Therefore, if rebel groups focused on Assad rather than religious cleansing, would this civil war have been less violent and shorter? Or possibly shorter but with increased violence? This is also when the impact and consideration of  international aid (as discussed in Controversies in Globalization) should be considered in helping this particular group. Syrian Christians are choosing Assad out of fear, convert to islam or agree to dhimmi, or face death. Shouldn’t this be enough reason for foreign intervention? The second article simply states that if the war continues, the safest bet is to join Iraqi Christians whom have also abandoned their homes or flee to Israel. If the governemnt falls however, Christians will most likely flee the country, or join smaller Alawaite-ruled entities. Either way, the future in Syria for Christians does not seem promising

The Ba’ath Party has been the ruling party in Syria for over forty continuous years. The article The Syrian Constitution: Assad’s Magic Wand, shows how the Ba’ath created constitution makes it impossible for any other party or candidate to come to power in an constitutional way. Uncovering Syria (II): We are All Baathists shows the extent of the Ba’ath Party in Syrian life and how it has played a role in what Syria has become. Both articles are very important in understanding politically the state of Syria and why it has been so difficult to implement changes in the government. With the first article, we see that there are specific amendments that keep the party in control of military, allowed for Bashar to become president at a younger age, and somehow both allow and prevent outside candidates running for presidency. All of this as created a limitless position for Assad; there as basically no constitutional way to remove him from office unless he or the Ba’ath Party agree to appoint a new leader. The second article focuses more on the Ba’ath Party itself. Since its implementation into Syrian government, its ideology and public views have shifted drastically. It began as a pure, respectable party with the central goal of a pan-Arab State – complete with the motto “Unity, Freedom, Socialism”.  This all changed in 1970 when the party opened itself to all Syrians, and became the “Party of power” under the rule of Hafez al-Assad. At this point, known as the Corrective Movement, the once peaceful, pure party turned into the loathed and corrupt group it is today. Furthermore, it is so intertwined in Syrian way of life, children begin learning the ways of the Ba’ath once beginning school. Both authors exemplify radical voices, concerned with the strong hold of the central government, and total lack of concern of the individual Syrian

The two articles I will be using are “The Kurdish Factor” and “Civil War Within Syria’s Civil War”. The first article explores the idea of Kurdish involvement in the war, and how their position could alter the course of the war. The second article examines how recent Kurdish self-governance has affected tensions and violence in Northern Syrian borders – specifically with Turkey. “Civil War Within Syria’s Civil War” discusses some of the same issues as in the CG chapter concerning conserving culture in a globalizing world. These people are now in a position where they are able to live fully Kurdish lives with aspects that were suppressed heavily by the Assad regime and of course, fading with time. But what does this mean long-term? Will the Kurds form an entirely new society and nation? Or will they simply be able to live completely Kurdish lives within Syrian borders? “The Kurdish Factor” then shows that, even though not a large representative of Syrian population, their involvement and who the Kurdish decide to ally with could drastically change the course of the war. If they turn against the regime, the regime could begin to lose a lot of support and credibility with minorities.