In “Party payments squeeze out Egypt’s youth candidates,” current position of the youth in the Egyptian political scene is recapped. Because of the high payment for inclusion in a party’s electoral list, many of the youth that participated in the revolution are unable to run for any position in political power. The Egyptian president claimed that the youth were not prepared to participate in political action. Other critics claimed that although many members of the youth revolution would be adequate candidates, they missed their opportunity for political involvement early on.
“Egypt’s Counter-Revolution Youth” discusses the political history of Suleiman al-Hout, a new political candidate. In 2007, Hout was denied licensure for his food cart, similar to Mohammed Bouazizi. However, Hout responded in an entirely different way, by going directly to the source of Mubarak’s regime at the National Democratic Party headquarters. He made a deal that allowed him to get a food cart license in return for his vote. From that point, Hout became an avid supporter of the NDP, spreading their message and building his own political network through wealthy businessmen. In the process, Hout decided to make a run for a parliamentary seat, and will likely win because of his use of Mubarak-era political networking strategies.
The youth of the revolution took a more radical approach to government creation. Through their protests and political activism, they sought to gain more direct democratization of their political system. Although the youth of the revolution did not desire a radical direct democracy, their approach to the revolution was influenced by their lack of strong political figures as support. They had no choice but to make a difference through political protests rather that broader policy choices by supportive politicians. Although members of the NDP do not concisely fit under one category of globalization, they do not employ the radical approach that the youth used. Members of the NDP like Mubarak and Hout direct change by building networks of wealthy businessmen. They realize that this circle of people can give them the most support through their economic influence. Although these politicians may not be widely popular with the youth, they still win political seats because of their business connections. In order to transition from revolutionary action to political integration, the leaders of the youth revolution must channel their “radical,” revolutionary thoughts into a pragmatic political strategy. Although they may still rely on the power of the people through citizen mobilization, a variety of political strategies must be used to grow a political support network that can help them achieve their goals.