Tuesday, October 31. 1704.

[289]
Numb. 69.

THE poor Protestants in Hungary, when Count Teckely took Arms, were something, in my Opinion, like the disciples of our Saviour, who thought he was come to restore the Temporal Kingdom to Israel: The Innocent People had been Insulted, and ill Treated by the Germans, but especially by the Priests; who always taking Care to misrepresent them to the Emperor, as the Principals in the Discontents and Disturbances of the Hungarians; took Care, also that whatever Breaches happen’d between the Hungarians and the Germans, were upon all occasions, plac’d to the account of the Protestants: Upon these suggestions, the Priests, like Satan in the Case of Job, got the Power of them, and had them committed, as it were, to their Discretion, with a Behold! He is in thy hands.

Nor did the Emperor in this Case, imitate the Merciful part of the Almighty’s Commission to Satan, in the Case of Job, but save his Life; for these poor Miserables were deliver’d over, without any Restriction, to the Soldiers, and to the Priests; the first it may be suppos’d, had little compassion for their goods, the latter had less for their Lives and Posterity; and in the Prosectution of this Latitude, their churches were seiz’d, their Schools dissolv’d, their Estates and Honours sequestred, their Persons imprisoned, and drag’d to Publick Executions; all manner of Injuries and Oppressions practised upon the People, and all sorts of Cruelties upon their Ministers, 200 of which we find at one time in the Spanish Galleys, coupled with Turks, Moors, and Malefactors, and Condemn’d to the Miseries of the Oar, a Martyrdom, if I may be allow’d to be Judge, much worse, and more intolerable than the severest Tortures of a Dioclesian Persecution.

Yet under all these Extremities, the horror of which I cannot pretend to describe by words, nor can the 24 Letters, be capable of such a Position, as to Convey true and proportion’d Idea’s of their Sufferings, to the Mind; yet I say, under all these Extremities, the Protestants of Hungary never offer’d to take Arms, or to rise in their own Defence; never Oppos’d Force to Violence, or Defended the Just and Native Right they had, as Men and Christians, to the Freedom and Independency of Conscience; but Patiently, and with a Passive Fortitude, unexampled in these latter Ages of the World, submitted their Necks to the Yoke of Persecution, and became Martyrs to their Cause, chearfully Suffering all the Indignities, Tortures and Distresses, that a Cruel Ecclesiastick Tyranny, which is always the worst, could Invent.

Not that it was not Lawful for them to have, by Force, repell’d such unjust Oppressions; and that Murther, Tyranny and Injustice, may not be withstood by the Innocent Oppress’d People, whenever they find all Peaceable, Legal [290] Methods, ineffectual to Secure their Civil, or Religious Right – This is a Doctrine so rooted in the Laws of Nature, so confirm’d from Heaven, and so constantly Practised by all People, and Nations in the World, of what Religion or Profession soever; that to Oppose it, must be to extinguish Reason, obliterate Nature, contradict the Practice of Immemorial Custom, and give up the Power God has intrusted every Man with, to defend the Blessings bestow’d, and which it must be as Lawful to Maintain as Enjoy. Continue reading Tuesday, October 31. 1704.

Tuesday, October 24. 1704.

Numb. 67.
[281]

IN my Account of the Hungarians, I think I have plainly enough distinguish’d, that I am of Opinion, those of them call’d Protestants, were not either the first in the Design, or first in the Execution, of the Revolt from the Emperor; but as they came at last, to joyn in the general Revolution of Affairs, and to have the deepest share in the Suffering part, ’tis necessary I should say something to let the World see how far they were, or were not, concern’d in it.

I can not but think ’tis a little hard, that some who are tender of the Reputation of the Protestants, should be so Partial, as to believe I should not do them Justice in this Relation, or so impatient, as not to wait till the Course of the Story brought me to it.

The Reflection made on the Relation, and on the Author, have so little weight in them, that I have not really thought them worth Notice hitherto, and shall only touch on them now; To say of the Author, he has chang’d his Principles, and writes to please a Party, is to show themselves as Weak as Malicious; since as in all his Practice, no Man can be nam’d that has more to his Personal Prejudice, despised the Partiality of Parties, and is not asham’d to affirm, that as no Party in the World can make him an offer large enough to Tempt him to forsake his Principles, so neither can they Terrify him from owning the Truth, which he has always adher’d to.

Nor is this at all concern’d in his Writing of the Hungarian Malecontents; and if these Censorious Gentlemen please to have Patience, they will find the Author of these Sheets freely declaring himself upon the Principle of Salus Populi Suprema lex, as often as there shall be occasion; and sufficiently to defend himself from the Scandal of shifting his Principles. Continue reading Tuesday, October 24. 1704.

Saturday, September 23. 1704.

Numb. 58.
[245]

THE State of the Case between Emperor and the Hungarians, was by the last Review, brought to this; That the Germans, tho’ they were brought in to Assist them against the Turks, have Opprest them so much, and Treated them so Barbarously, that they now desire rather to submit to the Turk than to the German; and that they ought to have their Liberty.

I confess ’tis pity they that would be Slaves, should not be Gratifi’d with the Advantage of that Happy Condition; especially when they are brought so low, as to chose Turkish Slavery, which of all sorts of Bondage, was ever thought the worst.

But there are a great many Cases, wherein People have not a Right to dispose of themselves; and most of those particulars concur here.

As first; When a Nation that is a Barrier to another, will give it self over the Enemy, it has always been thought justifiable in the other Nation to seize on it by force, to prevent the Neighbourhood of a too powerful Nation: This has been the Case of Flanders, as to England and Holland, who have thought themselves oblig’d on all occasions, to prevent the Flemings falling into the hands of the French. Continue reading Saturday, September 23. 1704.

Tuesday, September 12. 1704.

Numb. 55.
[233]

I Am now upon a Question, Concerning the Oppressions of the Hungarians, by the Emperor’s Ministers.

I am not going to lessen their Grievances, nor indeed, to enquire into the Particulars; if they have been us’d as we are told they have, ’tis bad enough.

But the Case before us, is to bring the Subject of Complaint, and the Persons complaining, to a fair Head, and make the great Relative here agree with the Antecedent.

The Question is, Have the German’s opprest the Hungarians, as a Nation, or have they Persecuted and Injur’d them as Protestants? Continue reading Tuesday, September 12. 1704.

Tuesday, September 5. 1704.

Numb. 53.
[225]

I Came in the last Review, to some Nice distinctions, which I cannot but think very necessary, in Order to make the Understanding of the Present Case easy, as to the Hungarians and the Emperor.

I have Granted as much in behalf of the Hungarians, as can in Reason be desired: I have allow’d them to be Oppress’d, Persecuted, Plunder’d and ill Treated, even more than I can heartily suppose they have been; I admit all the hard words they give the Emperor of Germany and the Jesuits; all the Blood and Rapine Committed, or pretended to be Committed, upon the poor Protestants of that Distracted Kingdom; and all this, whether true or no, I Grant, to avoid the trouble of the Argument.

This may perhaps make it justifiable for them to Depose the King of Hungaria, but it cannot make out a Reason, why they should depose the Emperor of Germany; suppose Male Administration does qualify People for the Disciplining their Governours, deposing their Princes, and the like; it does not at the same time furnish them with a Title to Invade their Neighbours; it may lead them to dismiss Tyrants, but not to meddle with any Tyrants but their own; Insurrections of People may be for the Recovery or Defence of Liberty, never for the making of Conquests –

If they proceed to Conquests and Invasions, there is certainly something else in their Design than the Recovery of their Liberty, and the settling Religion: The Grievances of the Hungarians can give them no Title to Ravage Moravia, Plunder and Destroy Austria. Continue reading Tuesday, September 5. 1704.

Saturday, September 2. 1704.

Numb. 52.
[221]

I Have done with the Swedes: Monsieur L—n may concern himself to defend the Polish Election, in what Way and Method he pleases; I am perswaded he will never Compass it to his Master’s Reputation.

Conquest indeed may go a great way; Victory is so Sacred a thing, and Men are so apt to give the Sanction of Right, where Heaven gives the Blessing of Success, that to Argue against the Justice of that Cause, to which the Sword gives the Authority, is almost to oppose the General Stress of Human Reasoning.

If Stanislaus the Palatin of Posen, for as yet I can call him no more, by the Assistance of the Swede, Conquers the present King of Poland, who shall dispute his being Lawful King? I question whether the King of Sweden himself, or half the Kings in Europe have better Titles.

If Conquest be not a Lawful Title to a Crown, we must go back to the Oracle and Enquire, where the Grand Spring of Title is to be found; and unless the People come in to help us out, I doubt we shall be at a loss. Continue reading Saturday, September 2. 1704.

Tuesday, August 29. 1704.

Numb. 51.
[217]

I Hinted in the last Review the Scandal rais’d on this Undertaking, viz. That it does not please every body; I hope some of the Gentlemen Objectors will take that Note for an Answer, as particularly the Gentleman who is so Angry at my Opinion, concerning the Consequences of the late Victory; and so much for Objectors.

’Tis my Satisfaction that they cannot, nor indeed have they attempted to Answer the Reasons brought on this Head; when they can, I shall most readily alter my Opinion.

I am of Opinion I have sin’d against Novelty in the Article of Sweden, and as most People have this Vice in their Judgments, to be always cloy’d with a long Story, I might have dwelt upon the Swedish Affair too long: The Fancy is the Weather-cock of the Soul, and ’tis always Vereing with the Gusts of Novelty; Men are eternally gapeing after Variety, and no Story can be so well told, as to please them, if it be too long in telling.

And yet I cannot satisfy my self to close with this humour of the Town, and quit a Subject, before I have gone thro’ it, to please the Luxuriance of the World’s imagination; such as think me dull, only because I am long, are like those that don’t approve of the Sermon, because they don’t love the Parson. Continue reading Tuesday, August 29. 1704.

Tuesday, April 18. 1704.

Numb. 13.
[65]

THe Cevennois are not so much the Miracle of this Age, as ’tis a Wonder to me the Accounts we have had of them should obtain so much in an Age, so incredulous as this.

I cannot think ’tis my Business to enter into a Debate of Original Right in such an undertaking as this; and to concern these Sheets with an Enquiry into the Justice of their taking Arms, and the Reasonableness of their being Oppress’d for Matters of Conscience.

That the Christian Religion does no way justify the oppression of the Conscience, we who call ourselves Protestants generally grant; but how far those Oppressions justify the Subject in defending themselves, is a point so hotly debated, that in this Paper, wherein I carefully avoid the Strife of Parties, I shall not enter into the Dispute.

Besides, as I have frequently Ingag’d in the Argument on other occasions, I think ’tis needless to Examine a Case, here, which ought to take up a whole Volume by it self. Continue reading Tuesday, April 18. 1704.

Saturday, April 15. 1704.

Numb 12.
[61]

THE method for raising Men in France for the Land-Service, was the last Instance, of the Absolute Dominion of the King, and a Proof of its being Adapted, and particularly Useful to the promoting the Greatness of his Power and his Conquests abroad.

For the Sea, his Methods are equally Absolute, and as positively Obey’d, when first he Resolv’d to make himself Great at Sea; and if Fame belies not our Politick Managers of that day, receiv’d Helps and Instructions from England for that Purpose; I mean, for Building Ships of War; the Great Defect, which he found almost Insuperable, and an Obstruction which wou’d have Discouraged any Prince in the World but himself, was his want of Sea-men; and so far was he from being in a Condition to Supply himself by Ordinary Methods, that if I am rightly inform’d, upon a most Exact Scrutiny, in all the Ports of his Kingdom, he found, that if all the Ships belonging to his Subjects where wholly laid up, and Trade laid by, all the Seamen in his Dominions would not Man his Navy; that is, such a Navy as he then had designed to Build.

Measures were then immediately taken to Increase the Number of Seamen, and the Building of his Ships went on with the usual Success of all his Undertakings: The first Method for Encrease of Sea-men, was to Compel every Merchant’s Ship, Fishing-Boat and other Vessel in his Kingdom, to take on Board, over and above their usual Compliment, so many Men on the King’s Account, to whom the King allow’d Certain Wages, and the Merchant or Master, Victuals and Drink. This Project being begun in a Time of Peace, when France was full of Men; the Men crowded on Board the Vessels as a Favour, Happy was he could get to be Nam’d; and thus in 7 Years time, the King made above 20000 Sailors; by this time his Ships Encreas’d, and he always kept a Squadron at Sea, let there be Occasion or no; and if he had no Service ready, he often thought fit to make little Sea-Wars, to introduce his Men, to shew them some Action, and raise the Credit of his Sea Affairs: Such was the two or three Bombardments of Algiers, and one at Genoa, Convoys to Constantinople, Insulting Tunis, and the like; this was about the Year 1678, when these Additions were made, and his Sea-men from that time began so to Encrease, that in the Year ’91“the Year 91” in HRC 1 and HRC 2. In Secord there is what appears to be a vaguely visible apostrophe before “91,” but it is impossible to discern whether this is a correction or a happily placed stray mark on the page., we found them able to Man a Fleet of 80 Sail in the Line of Battle, and [62] Challenge both English and Dutch, to an Engagement at our own doors.

The next Article of Absolute Power, is the raising of Money; What may not that Monarch do, who has the Bodies of the Poor, the Purses of the Rich, and the Hands of his Nobility at his Absolute Command?

We find the Revenues of France, tho’ vastly Great, not equal to the more vast Designs of this Growing Monarch; we find, that at a Time, when we all thought he had enough to do, to find Money to Defray his prodigious Expences, he yet undertook the Regulation and Support of the Needy Craving Monarchy of Spain; but when it comes to the Test, we find also, if it be in the Nation, he will never want it. If half the Stories we have been told, of the Poverty, Ruin, Depopulation, &c. of France, were true, how could it be possible the King cou’d raise such immense Summs Yearly, and almost every Year Increasing, as we find he does. Continue reading Saturday, April 15. 1704.

Tuesday, April 11. 1704.

Numb. 11.
[57]

THe Debate I entred into, about the Banishment of the Hugonots out of France, was so abruptly broken off in the last, that I must go on with it here, and repeat this part as necessary to lead the Reader back into the Story. That I am of the Opinion, the King of France’s Banishing the Protestants, tho’ it Impoverish’d and Unpeopled part of the Country; and tho’ it fill’d his Enemies with Soldiers, yet at the same time it was the most Politick Action of his Life, and the Foot upon which he now builds that Absolute Dominion, which is so necessary for the carrying on all his vast Designs.

I don’t think fit to engage here in a Dispute about the honesty of it, I agree to all that has been reasonably said to that point; and without doubt, the breaking and dissolving the Edict of Nants, is an Injury not to be Defended.

But as to the Policy of it: ’Tis plain it was so great a Stroke to all Europe, that all his Attempts since have been founded upon this Head; for till he had first cleared his Country of that Numerous Injured People, he could never have ventured to carry an Offensive War into all the Borders of Europe: Nor could he have spared his Numerous Armies, for so many various Enterprizes; he must have maintained strong Garrisons in the Provinces of Guienne, Gascoign, Languedoc, Normandy, Bretaign, &c. where the Protestants were Numerous, to have kept the Rod of Iron upon their Backs, and every Revolt would have hazarded a Revolution of his Affairs.

This needs no other Demonstration, than from the Present Disturbance his Affairs have receiv’d from the smallest handful of these People, in the Mountains of Languedoc. These Camisars, who, according to the largest Accounts I have met with, which I think deserve Credit, never amounted to above 900 Families, have occasioned the Attendance of a Mareshal of France, 18 Battalions of Foot, and 2 Regiments of Dragoons, for near 2 Years. Continue reading Tuesday, April 11. 1704.