My research began with three words, “post-Assad Syria”, thinking this must be a hot topic in the world and all wars end sooner than later right? Those three words led to endless topics and questions, making it difficult to determine what “post-Assad Syria” meant, or if it was something that existed or would ever exist. From what I was reading, it seemed obvious that narrowing down was necessary to this as-of-now improbable topic. So who are the people that are being forgotten, or have the most to lose by any outcome of this dreadful civil war? The minorities. I focused on three minorities throughout my research – Syrian Christians, Syrian Kurds, and the Syrian Druze. One of the first articles I read for my research to begin with, “What caused Syria’s Civil War?”, was written by a Syrian Christian, pointing out the fact that this Syrian war started as a people wanted a better, more humane government. However, more definitive groups began forming, and it soon became a war heavily concerned with sectarianism. This was the article that sparked my questioning with minority groups, and how this civil war became so complex. Many rebel groups began focused on the idea of a truly Islamic Syria, turning them into extremist Islamist groups (Nusra Front, Islamic State). These groups of course then started any individual that stood against or did not follow their ideology. Christians became a primary target for many of these groups. Assad then saw an opportunity – making Christians an ally by offering them safety and protection against these groups.

So to begin, I wanted to see what experts saw as outcomes from this war if Assad were to leave/die. The first article focused on “The Day After” plan, a plan created by western and other world powers concerning the justice and equality for all Syrians should something occur to put Assad out of his rule. With the second article, the author had a somewhat radicalism view at proposed three possible outcomes: the creation of an Alawait statelet, somehow Syria forming a strong central government, or Iran taking advantage of the broken nation and use this to either expand its territory or create/reaffirm allies. However, as I kept researching, it seemed that the likelihood of Assad leaving is slim to none currently. So instead, I thought if I understood how the war began, perhaps that would give me some direction. From the articles I read, it was clear that it began with the Syrian people being done with the cruelty and corruption of the Assad regime – the uprisings from the other Arab nations giving them the confidence to begin protests. But one thing that kept showing up was the growing observance and concern that the war has slowly turned from a political and social reforms, to a an extremely secularist war. Islamist groups in particular saw this as an opportunity to plea for, or create, and purely Islamic state and culture. This is when the golden question came to mind: How is this change in priority effecting the minorities and neutral parties?

To start, I wanted to look into these Islamic rebel groups – which there are an unbelievable amount – and see their direct effects on Syria and the civil war. One group I focused on – and one of the largest – was the Nusra Front. One article focused on the fact that, with the rise of Islamic State at first, its extreme, violent ways and the fact that many foreign Nusra members left to join IS, lead the Nusra that have an increasing popularity with the people. The second article, contrastingly, showed that the growing number of Nusra members plus the public becoming more aware of their violent acts – though not publicized the way that IS is – its popularity was actually decreasing quite a bit. So how should the world take these other Islamic groups? Does the fact that they are not as radical or broadcasting of their violence make them less of a threat and less of a problem than Islamic State? Could we use them to our advantage? With the understanding that no matter what the group, Islamic driven rebel groups only have the goal of an Islamic nation in mind, and will do what it must to make sure that happens.

Now it was time to see the point of view of minorities being dragged into these conflicts. To begin, I looked at the Kurdish Syrians. This particular ethnic group had – so far – been successful in remaining neutral in the civil war. Instead of choosing sides, one Kurdish city in the North – soon followed by neighbors – decided to create their own self-governance. With this, they are now able to live fully Kurdish lives – a lifestyle suppressed by the Assad regime. This I think is an excellent example from the “no” argument from the chapter “Culture and Diversity” from Controversies of Globalization. With this argument ­­­­­­­____ states that international intervention is not needed, because cultures need to go through their own course in history – similar to the survival of the fittest. For so long, these Kurds were suppressed and hiding their beloved culture, which was thought to never change. But now, a fantastic opportunity has been presented for these people to revive their culture, traditions, religions, and language. If a group of people values their culture enough, they will not allow it to slip away and die off. Most recently, one of the obstacles the Kurds have been dealing with is fighting off the Islamic extremists from the northern border, and from Turkey and Iran – seeing as that the Kurds a primarily along the northeastern borders. This has brought about a deeper involvement into the war. One question that came to mind concerning this is, could other minority groups unite with the Kurds to help push out these Islamic extremist groups? If so, that would ride the civil war of one of the many complexities and issues that have fueled it thus far.

After being enlightened of the Kurds, I then wanted to look at the Syrian Christians and the Druze. It did not take long for me to discover that the Syrian Christians were a perfect example of a people trapped in the middle of a conflict, unable to truly speak/act for themselves. The Christians in Syria have unfortunately been the focal target for the Islamic extremist groups. These groups have kidnapped and executed hundreds of Christians all over the nation. Some on the other hand have offered, dhimmi – paying a fine and not practicing any Christian rituals publically or spreading Christian beliefs – or give the option to convert to Islam. This massive offense against Christians begs the question as to whether or not it is time, or appropriate, for foreign military intervention. A political realist would say that intervening would put ones own economy and society in jeopardy, therefore, do not intervene so that international markets and alliances are not threatened. A radical would contradict by saying that humanitarianism is the world’s number one priority. This population of people are being targeted and eliminated and must be saved. They would also continue by saying that the Assad regime – their own government – is using them the Christians as pawns; Promising them asylum so long as they support the regime. This gives the Christians the option of supporting the corrupt regime, or facing likely assaults and/or death with the extremist groups. It is time for humanitarian intervention for the sake of these minorities.

Another issue with the Christians is what will happen to them once the war is over. the article, “ The Choices for Syria’s Christians”, gives two options. If the regime continues to stay in power, Christians could join fellow Christians – say from Iraq – and flee to Israel. One could only imagine the effects this will bring on Israel with this flood of refugees now in their country. If the regime falls, Christians will still most likely need to flee the country due to that fact that some form of Islamic group will have taken over. Another option would be to join Alawaite-ruled communities and live in peace there – most likely out in the countryside hidden.

The Druze have been neutral in the civil war as of yet, but they have recently asked for weaponry from the Assad regime – as protection against rebels – or are threatening to seek aid elsewhere. By finally taking up arms and presenting Assad with this ultimatum, is it nearing the time for Druze to take sides? This has also come up with the Kurds as well. If these two groups decide to take sides on the war, this could have astounding effects on the war in days to come. If the Syrian Kurds take a side, other Kurds in the Arab world could decide to back their brothers and support whichever effort they choose. The Druze are also an influential minority, so by them taking sides, they could influence other minorities in the region to take sides as well. Either way, this could lead to either the nearing end of a war, or one that will only become more violent.

I would like to think that – because I am usually a fairly optimistic person – that some intervention will occur and Christians will be given better, thriving options. Nonetheless, the future for Syrian Christians as well as the rest of the nation does not look very bright. There is no sign of Assad stepping down willingly, or him lessening on his ruthless and violent tactics that got him in this situation in the first place. Overall, this research project has answered many questions, but as presented many to me as well. It will be very interesting to see how this war plays on. What is more, which countries will decide to intervene or will many remain neutral and let it fade out? Furthermore, I think eventually these minority groups will begin to take sides, or make one of their own, which, I think, will detour this war to one with significantly better outcomes.